Michel Barnier, former Brexit Negotiator for the EU, addressed the opening ceremony of the IBA Annual Conference with a speech drawing upon his unwavering confidence in the strength of a united Europe.

Good evening to all of you. And first of all, many thanks to Pascale Lagesse, LPD Secretary-Treasurer and IBA Treasurer and Jacques Buhart, Honorary Life Member of IBA Council and Association for your very kind words. Madam President Almudena, ladies and gentlemen, it's a privilege to be in Paris and to meet you all and to speak a few minutes after the French President.

Despite our political differences, some political differences, I send him, and I send to the other leaders, my best wishes in these challenging times. Almudena and Jacques, I want to thank you for your invitation to deliver a contribution to your conference.

A few minutes ago, the President of France spoke about Europe in the dramatic times we are facing. And if I may, the question I would like to answer in this short contribution, using my experience as a French minister or EU commissioner, is the following: Facing a deglobalising world, facing unprecedented macroeconomic uncertainty, facing so many crises – is there a future for a European Union like ours? Should we remain and grow together as we decided to 60 years ago? Or should we simply be alone?

Madam President Almudena, if I may, you took a risk in inviting me for the opening speech of your event. A few years ago I was painted as, I quote, ‘the most dangerous man in Europe’ by some tabloids in the UK. So, thank you very much for taking this risk, and I am happy to stand in front of so many lawyers today to defend my cause if necessary. I almost feel like one of you – a journalist told me in London yesterday, ‘you are the best divorce lawyer’. Too many compliments.

The world we live in over six continents is unstable, dangerous, unjust and very fragile. This world is going through crises. In Europe especially, we have faced – without mentioning climate change and so many [other] catastrophes – five crises in the last 15 years: the financial crisis 15 years ago; the migration crisis ten years ago; Brexit seven years ago; the Covid-19 pandemic three years ago; and now, war in Ukraine.

You heard a few minutes ago, at the very beginning of this meeting, [a musical piece featuring extracts from the musical Les Misérables, based on the novel by] Victor Hugo. Victor Hugo spoke about the war between Europeans as a civil war, and now we are in front of another crisis in the Middle East today, with the tragic conflict between Israel and Hamas. This conflict is at the root of so many tensions in the region, and of course in our own societies, since 1967 and even before.

Let me be very frank and very clear on this conflict. Number one: the security and sovereignty of the State of Israel is non-negotiable. We stand, and we will continue to stand, on the side of freedom and democracy against barbarity and terrorism. Number two: sustainable peace in the Middle East under the control of the United Nations will only be achieved with the establishment of a Palestinian State.

I know perfectly, as a former foreign minister for France, that this two-States perspective is more and more difficult every day and is seen as a utopia – but it is nevertheless the only possible solution. In the current situation, which is tragic, we must recall humanitarian laws protecting civilians on the ground everywhere as, Madam President, you said very clearly in your speech a few minutes ago. And in our societies – Paris, London and everywhere – we must condemn and fight any form of antisemitism and racism.

Ladies and gentlemen, this crisis is the most recent but certainly not the last. My conviction is that on the European continent, we must tackle these crises together [rather] than alone. This is what we have done against all odds for those five crises we have faced [over the last] 15 years – all of which, except Brexit, came from outside Europe.

Each and every one of these crises could have destroyed the European project, but this has not happened. We have resisted. We have reacted. We have started drawing lessons.

Ladies and gentlemen, what does this prove? Number one: the EU has been a rule of law community for 60 years. [We have] precise laws, very precise laws, with solid institutions and in 60 years we [have become] much more than a free trade zone. Much more. We have become, without being a federal state, a complete ecosystem with common norms, common standards – both political and economic – supervisions, regulations and, on top of all, a common jurisdiction, the Court of Justice. In this spirit, the main asset for Europeans is, today, the single market.

Number two: in times of crisis, the European leaders – and I met each of them several times during the Brexit negotiations – have a feeling of gravity and responsibility which conducts them to stand together.

Number three: in this very challenging world, no European country alone, even the strongest – Germany – will be sure to remain at the table where we will organise the global order or the global disorder of the world.

For each of our countries – from Cyprus, Estonia to Spain or France – it is no longer about choosing between our country and Europe. They go together, exactly as the two flags behind the French president in his speech. The question is to choose between an independent Europe, an independent continent or a Europe under influence – to be actors of our own destiny or simple spectators of our decline. Don't be mistaken, this European engagement is realistic. Our interest, our national interest, our political and economic interest, is to be together today.

Of course, this European engagement is not naive and does not prevent us from being patriotic, proud of our differences, proud of our languages – 24 on the same continent – or proud of our traditions. It does not prevent us from understanding and correcting political mistakes we have made – many political mistakes in the past. It does not prevent us from controlling, in an efficient way, excesses of bureaucracy in Brussels.

Ladies and gentlemen, I had the privilege to be on the front line of two of these crises in the last years, at the European level. First of all I was the European regulator of financial markets and services during the financial crisis.

Following the roadmap of the G20 in parallel with what the US did and does with the Dodd–Frank Act, I was in charge, with my teams and with the support of European institutions, of rebuilding a complete architecture of regulations in Europe. Each market, each product, each actor – 41 European laws in five years. I know I gave many edicts to bankers and, at the same time, much more work to lawyers. It was a condition to retrieve financial stability, and we all know that financial stability is the key for trust and the key for investment.

More recently, during Brexit. Brexit was, and remains, a lose–lose game. It was a divorce. I have no personal experience in the matter of divorce, but many friends of mine have unfortunately had this experience, and everyone told me that divorce is always painful and costly. That is the case with Brexit. And my duty was, during this long negotiation, if I may say, to organise an orderly divorce – with three priorities in my mandate in the name of the 27 Member States and the European Parliament.

One: defend the integrity of the single market, our main asset. Once again, the single market is our main asset, there is no way for any kind of cherry picking.

Two: peace and stability in Northern Ireland. This is a place where Brexit had the most negative consequences; and speaking of Northern Ireland, it’s not a question about trade and goods, it is a question of people and peace.

Number three: finally, preparing a positive framework for future relations between the EU and the UK, because we need to, and we must, cooperate to face so many challenges. And this is what we delivered, despite the fact, to be frank – and I promised you Madam President to be frank – despite the fact that we faced, at that time, British leaders who did not wish to respect later their own signature, or to respect international treaties they had negotiated and signed themselves.

Ladies and gentlemen, no one – no one – during these last six years has ever been able to give me any proof of the added value of Brexit. It is a lose–lose game; and we now see in the British domestic debate, which remains very active on this issue, that questions are being raised.

I told all of this story, this long story, in My Secret Brexit Diary. I wrote everything, every day, for four years – including the day where, four years ago, Nigel Farage asked me for a meeting in my office. It was as usual with him, a very stimulating meeting and at the end of this meeting, I asked one question to Mr Farage: ‘Mr Farage you want Brexit, okay? We are going to deliver the Brexit. But just tell me, after the Brexit, how do you see the future relationship between the EU and the UK?’

And, very frankly, Mr Farage answered: ‘Mr Barnier, after the Brexit, the EU will no longer exist’. This was not only a fake promise, it [also] is proof that he wanted, and still wants, along with some of his friends, Europe to explode.

Ladies and gentlemen, seven years after Brexit, I keep the same respect and the same admiration for the UK. For its history, culture, for many of its leaders – Winston Churchill – I have a lot of respect. I wish the best.

I can even recall that as a young French citizen – at that time in France, we voted at 21. It was for me, in ’72, my very first vote, because at that time the French president organised a referendum for the accession of four countries to the EU: the UK, Ireland, Denmark and Norway. Despite the fact I was a young Gaullist militant, I decided to vote ‘yes’ in this referendum, ‘yes’ to the accession to the EU, and I never regretted this vote.

Now, the EU is still here – united and committed – we are now less naive in our trade operations. For the very first time, we borrowed together €750bn to invest together in the future. And for the very first time we devote parts of the European budget to military expenses. And once again, we do so because each and every European country knows it is better to be together. That is my main message in this contribution.

Ladies and gentlemen, Madam President Almudena, thank you very much for your invitation and your attention. Welcome to France, welcome to Europe.

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This is an abridged version of Michel Barnier’s speech at the IBA Annual Conference in Paris. The filmed speech can be viewed in full here.